NY Times: "Jihadists in Jails Win Leverage With Protests"

There is some useful reporting here and even a sense of the ironies involved, but in the end, the Times can't quite state the obvious: that the problem is outright sympathy and support for the radicals from populations and governments:

Ahmed Rafiki sprawled on the makeshift couch in his cell, a fresh red henna dye in his long hair and beard.

Known to other militants as the father of Moroccan jihadists, he was convicted in 2003 of leading young men to fight Americans in Afghanistan. But here in Oukacha Prison, Mr. Rafiki, an Islamist cleric, is serving the final months of his sentence in style.

His kitchen and larder are stocked three times a week by his two wives. His curtained doorway leads to a private garden and bath. He has two radios and a television, a reading stand for his Koran and a wardrobe of crisply ironed Islamic attire.

"In my case," he said with a smile, "the people treat me well."

Hardly a scene of harsh interrogation and detention for which Moroccan prisons are known, Mr. Rafiki’s plush prison life is evidence of an awkward balancing act between the crackdown on militants in many countries and the power those militants can hold over the authorities.

Through hunger strikes and protests, Mr. Rafiki and Oukacha’s 65 other militant inmates have won perks--including exclusive use of the conjugal rooms--that make them the envy of the prison’s 7,600 other inmates.

One recent morning, a prisoner advocate handed the warden a long list of inmates not linked to terrorism cases who were demanding equal time with their wives.

"'Why do they get much more rights than we get here?'" the advocate, Assia El Ouadie, said the other prisoners constantly asked her. "'Do you want us to become terrorism prisoners, and then we will get those rights?'"

Even as more and more militants are imprisoned around the world--often by governments with records of conducting extreme interrogations--the prisoners are managing to gain a kind of crude leverage over security officials who are struggling to figure out how to handle them.

Draconian, or even strict, treatment of radical inmates can lead to prison unrest and public condemnation, particularly in countries with sizable Muslim populations. At the same time, officials fear that militants given free rein are more likely to turn prisons into prime grounds for radicalization and recruiting . . .

Here in Morocco, across the Arab world and in European countries like Spain and France, there is a growing realization that catching and convicting militants is hardly the end of the problem. Many are getting sentences of only a few years, and Arab governments continue to release hundreds every year through mass pardons aimed at quelling fundamentalist Islamic movements . . .

"Quelling"? To "quell" is to crush or suppress, no? And they were trying to do that by releasing radical prisoners?

In May 2003, eight weeks after the United States invaded Iraq, Morocco was hit by its worst terrorist attack ever. A dozen suicide bombers struck a cafe, a hotel and Jewish establishments in Casablanca, killing more than 30 people. The struggle between the militants and the government landed in Morocco’s prisons . . .

"They started with hunger strikes and problems," said Abdelati Belghazi, director of Zaki Prison, north of the capital, Rabat. "The media and organizations started to get involved, and because we wanted them to stop, we had to give them some of the things that they have requested. And then they started to feel much stronger because they saw that they received what they wanted. They requested more and more." [...]

And you don't want to mistreat someone who might be heading the government in a few years . . .

Crossposted on Soccer Dad

Tags: terror, radicalism, prisons, Arabs, Muslims